23 February 2003

A sad story of hatred

23 February 2003
Dawn


A sad story of hatred

Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy
Edited by Siddharth Varadarajan
Penguin, 2002.

Reviewed by Sidharth Bhatia

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Gujarat state in India was so far known for the leaders who came from
there - Gandhi, Jinnah and Patel among them, for the enteprenuerial
spirit of its natives and for its high growth rate. Since exactly a
year ago, the name of the state has become synonymous with possibly
the worst example of communal riots in independent India.

Not that India has not seen religious troubles and anti-minority
violence. But the 2002 riots were different. They were executed with
clinical precision and moreover, the state and its arms emerged as
actors in the violence. The riots, which have also been called
genocide and a pogrom, were the result of not merely state
inefficiency, but worse, state complicity.

There has been enough documentation to show that top functionaries of
the state, whose task it was to protect the lives of citizens,
instead, through their acts of omission and commission, allowed the
violence to proceed unabated. Not surprisingly they resulted in the
death of between 1000 and 2000 innocent people, depending on whose
version you believe. The report of Human Rights Watch, called "we have
no orders to save you", which is apparently a quote of a police
officer, has done a fine job of documenting the killings.

Now comes a book, Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy, which provides not
only a record of sorts of the events leading upto the week long danse
macabre, but also contextualizes the entire episode by looking at the
socio-cultural profile of a province which till the other day was
being held out as an example of model growth.

Edited by journalist Siddharth Varadarajan, whose paper The Times of
India , like many others, did a fine job of covering the entire story,
the book is divided into three broad sections: The violence, the
aftermath and general essays and analyses which range from the
romantic to the quasi-academic.

All the pieces add up together to a horrific tragedy which in a sense
was almost inevitable, given the breakdown of the old social orders in
Gujarat accompanied by the unchecked, indeed, encouraged, emergence of
the forces of hatred and divisiveness.

But it is also a sad story of the collapse of simple law and order, of
a state which simply decided to abdicate its most fundamental
responsibility, namely, the protection of all its citizens, especially
the minorities. The brutal killings, lootings, rape and even hacking
of children make for horrific reading and cannot be justified on any
grounds.

This comes through over and over again. In "License to Kill: Patterns
of Violence in Gujarat", academic Nandini Sundar examines many cases
of violence which show that the police simply failed to, or worse,
neglected to perform their duties. It is axiomatic, she writes, that
the mass violence perpetrated by the Sangh Parivar (the common name by
which forces of Hindutva are called) could not have been perpetrated
on Muslims without the indulgence or even active support of the
police.

She also writes about a fascinating new trend, which this reviewer had
seen in an incipient stage a decade ago in Mumbai. That was the
emergence of well-heeled looters and rioters who come out to "join the
fun"; they are a kind of lumpen bourgeoisie, materially comfortable
but sans any cultural moorings, who seem to lose their values and
civic sense in such moments.

Jyoti Punwani has done an excellent job of reporting on the burning of
the train in Godhra, in which 58 Hindus died, and which lit the spark
of "revenge" among "ordinary" Hindus who then went out to kill
Muslims. But, as Sundar has shown, the reprisals were hardly
spontaneous, given that the perpetrators had lists of Muslim homes and
businesses and erupted in more than one city.

Another interesting development was the participation of tribals and
dalits in the violence, often in rural areas, where social bonds are
somewhat deeper. For this, one ought to read the essay by G.N. Devy of
the Tribal Academy of Gujarat who writes about how tribals, who do not
belong to any organized mainstream religion, have succumbed to
Hindutva propagandists who have slowly made inroads into villages.

Sociologist Ghanshyam Shah in an insightful essay makes much the same
point in regard to upper caste Hindu efforts to co-opt lower caste
Hindus into the anti-minority agenda, without disturbing the status
quo casteist structure. All these "experiments" have been carried out
in Gujarat, aided and abetted by massive funding from overseas
Gujaratis, who, like most expatriates, feel out of place in their new
homes and are guilt-ridden about the homelands they left behind.

Fundamentalist religion - in this case Hinduism - then becomes a kind
of security blanket for such non-residents. The Gujarati diaspora and
its financial contribution to Hindutva organizations certainly
deserved a closer look in this book and this analysis is regrettably
missing.

The role of the media in Gujarat is another factor that has been
covered but not completely. While the "elite" English media has been
criticized by the BJP and others for allegedly fanning communal
flames, (and there is a fitting reply to that in this book), sections
of the Gujarati media raised passions by lurid banner headlines and
uncorroborated stories, all designed to instil fear and insecurity
among Hindus about the dreaded "other". Perhaps one of those papers
should have been allowed to give their defence of why they covered the
story in the way they did.

The book came out before the Gujarat elections, which have shown that
the Gujarat experiment has succeeded beyond the wildest dreams of the
Hindutva brigade. After losing the elections galore, the Bharatiya
Janata Party scored handsomely in Gujarat in elections held a few
months after the pogrom.

Narendra Modi, the chief minister of Gujarat when it was burning, has
emerged as a new vote catcher for his party; his election formula was
based on painting domestic Muslims as a kind of fifth column for
outside powers and to warn insecure Hindus that their lives were in
danger if they did not vote him in. Proof indeed that Goebbelsian
tactics work even in these times of instant communications and
saturation media. Will this formula work in the rest of India? The
next few months are crucial.

For anyone interested in contemporary India and perhaps even in the
pathology of hate mongering, this is an invaluable book. It takes a
look at this shameful episode in Indian history from all sides and
should even serve as a warning to all right thinking secularists - and
not merely Indian ones - that secularism cannot be taken for granted,
it must be fought for all the time to ensure that the forces of hatred
do not dominate. In India, the liberal elites had fallen into the trap
of thinking that secularism was non-negotiable; as the popularity of
the fundamentalists among the middle classes shows, the enemy lies
within.

Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy

Edited by Siddharth Varadarajan

Penguin India.

For more information log on to www.penguinbooksindia.com

ISBN 043029010

460pp. Indian Rs295

16 February 2003

Nothing but dismay


16 February 2003
The Hindu



Nothing but dismay

Instead of being based on sensational headlines and unsubstantiated conjuctures, Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy is the product of painstaking research, says SOHAIL HASHMI.


THE speed with which books can be put together these days makes one a little dizzy and one approaches any text on unfolding events with some trepidation. Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy came, therefore, as a bit of a surprise. This is a book, that in spite of the speed with which it has been put together, seems not to have suffered the consequences of haste.

Instead of sensational headlines, and unsubstantiated conjuctures, there is painstaking research. Every fact checked and rechecked, every source quoted. The authors are either people who have been there and have recorded what they have seen or are academicians, researchers, social workers or activists. In short, the authors are people who are generally respected in their chosen fields. Some of the pieces are based on reports put together by fact-finding teams; here again one finds that any generalisations made have a basis in hard facts.

Yes there is anger and there well might be. The terrible pogrom and carnage can hardly provoke any other sentiment but rage, a deep-seated hurt that wrenches your insides, occasioning dismay, utter and absolute, at the abysmal depths to which the human animal can reduce itself.

If you want to learn about the capabilities of myopic politicians and born again fanatics riding on the shoulders of packaged and encapsulated religion, read this book.

It will tell you about Juned, a little boy who gets up in his sleep and runs screaming: he is trying to escape those who chopped half his family to pieces including a 11/2-year-old cousin. Where can he run and for how long?

Read also about the planning that went into organising the "Spontaneous Reaction" to the "Conspiracy of Godhra". The surveys that were conducted, the sources that supplied the household bomb — the cooking gas cylinder — and the mobilisation of the tribals.

Read also about the slender threads by which hangs hope and about Geetaben killed for the rime of marrying a Muslim. Read all this and decide if these are only biased rantings of pseudo-secularists, as the mini sardars and their leaders will have us believe, or is there more to it?

This is a document not only of Gujarat; it is, in the words of the editor, also a "Chronicle of a Tragedy Foretold" and more. Siddharth Vardarajan, Nandini Sundar, Teesta Setalvad, Vibhuti Narain Rai, Barkha Dutt, The Women's Panel, The PUDR Report and Vrinda Grover, all point to the role of the police and the administration either in abetment or direct involvement, both in the pogroms and then in the efforts to shield the criminals. If such things were possible in this land, this book could become the basis of a Nuremberg.

The book is however not a mere catalogue of dates, incidents, numbers killed and such like. It is like the surgical knife that Manto used in his stories of Partition to slice through the façade of decency of the middle class to expose the festering sores of bigotry and intolerance. The difference is Manto was writing fiction.

The perpetrators of the violence in Gujarat — the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), the Bajrang Dal and their cohorts — swear by Golwalkar, known also as Guruji. This revered teacher wrote in 1939 "... Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by."

The Nazi Black Shirts put the Star of David on each house where Jews lived, so that no mistakes were made. The saffron scarved and black savarkar capped disciples of guruji put posters of Hanuman outside every Hindu house with the same objective.

The Khaki shorts have learnt their lesson well. This book is not for them: it may help others to prevent another Gujarat.

Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy, edited by Siddharth Varadarajan,

Penguin Books India 2002, p. 460, Rs. 295

Sohail Hashmi is into documentary filmmaking.

© Copyright 2000 - 2005 The Hindu


04 February 2003

US Testing Use of 'Small Nukes'

4 February 2003
The Times of India

"If the computer tests suggest an "acceptable" civilian casualty rate, Washington would presumably not be squeamish about using bunker-busting nukes."

US Testing Use of 'Small Nukes'

Siddharth Varadarajan
Times News Network

New Delhi: The Bush administration is actively researching the implications of a nuclear attack on deep underground bunkers using computers to test the 'kill and spill' levels of bunker-busting 'small' nuclear weapons.

The program details of which were reported in the Los Angeles Times on Monday provides further evidence that the US is seriously contemplating the use of nucle ar weapons against Iraq, and possibly other potential adversaries such as North Korea. According to the LAT, the Pentagon "has launched a fast-track program to develop computers that would help decide when nuclear weapons might be used to destroy underground bunkers harbouring weapons of mass destruction".

Apart from determining the amount of force needed, the system "would asses the potential for killing nearby civilians and inflicting other collateral damage, including the spread of radioactive dust thrown into the air by the nuclear device and the dispersal of toxic chemicals from weapons in the bunker".

If the computer tests suggest an "acceptable" civilian casualty rate, Washington would presumably not be squeamish about using bunker-busting nukes.

Whatever the military necessity for such weapons, say critics, the Bush administration's political motivation is to produce nuclear weapons that are 'small' enough to use or 'credibly' threaten an adversary. Pentagon planners feel the destructive potential of regular nuclear weapons is so enormous as to render them politically unusable, especially against a non-nuclear adversary like Iraq.

Though the US has been working for some time to develop a nuclear weapon capability designed to defeat 'Hardened and Deeply Buried Targets' (HBDTs), the programme has received a considerable boost since the election of George W Bush as president.

"This so-called Robust Nuclear Earth penetrator (RNEP) program is part of an overall effort ... called the 'Advanced Concepts Initiative' to look at a variety of new or modified nuclear weapons capabilities", Kathryn randall, a researcher with the British American Security Information Council (BASIC), told The Times of India.

She said the initiative is "certainly very troubling... because it pushes new nuclear designs or modifications that develop new capabilities."

Even though these designs may be validated without any resort to full-scale underground tests, Crandall said they "may still undermine the spirit of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), the goal of which has been to curtail development of advanced, new nuclear weapons capabilities".

In a report to the US Congress in 2001, the Pentagon estimated that there are over 10,000 HBDTs worldwide. While very few are of strategic significance, the Pentagon believes the number will increase significantly in the next decade. The onset of lower yield nuclear weapons, says a BASIC report, is shifting the force structure of the US "towards giving nuclear weapons a more prominent role as usable weapons".


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