Gujarat

Much more than Modi: A review of Achyut Yagnik and Suchitra Sheth's The Shaping of Modern Gujarat (24 September 2005)
Playing on fear, from Godhra to Guantanamo (13 June 2005)
Modi, the U.S. and visa power (21March 2005)
Gulberg Society victims claim Rs. 64 crores `bandh' damages (2 March 2005)
The latest act in the tragedy that is Zahira Sheikh (23 December 2004)
What if… Godhra hadn’t happened (23 August 2004)
Let’s not forget Godhra (22 August 2004)
Why the U.K.'s report on Modi's riots worries Delhi (20 April 2002)
I salute you Geetaben, from the bottom of my heart (18 April 2002)
Carnage in Gujarat: Telling Silence, Mr Vajpayee (6 March 2002)
'Newton' Modi has a lot to answer for (3 March 2002)
Method behind the Centre’s laxity? (2 March 2002)
BJP fiddles while Gujarat burns (1 March 2002)

Communal Violence

November 1984: Moral indifference as the evil of our time (12 August 2005)
Meerut massacre: No light at end of tunnel (15 March 2005)
Need for a robust law on genocide (25 August 2004)
The Sangh is Vajpayee's soul (11 September 2000)
Bajrang Dal leaders say they want Christians out (22 June 2000)
Mathura's Christians see pattern in violence (20 June 2000)
The BJP & Deepa Mehta's 'Water': Strife as Diversion and Design (26 February 2000)
Elections 1999: Kala Bachcha as Weathervane (16 September 1999)
Christianity as Crime (8 January 1999)
Punish the Guilty of 1984 (4 November 1996)

All Gujarat related articles are filed separately here

Human Rights

Anybody remember Manipur? (29 June 2005)
Playing on fear, from Godhra to Guantanamo (13 June 2005)
Modi, the U.S. and visa power (21March 2005)
More facts needed in Geelani case (16 February 2005)
The latest act in the tragedy that is Zahira Sheikh (23 December 2004)
Need for a robust law on genocide (25 August 2004)
More than just Manorama (15 August 2004)
Abu Ghraib & the Milosevic standard (9 August 2004)
Iraq abuse cases are no aberration (6 May 2004)
Indian migrant killed in Macedonian fake encounter (4 May 2004)
POTA’s first trial: An interview with Prof Rajni Kothari (8 October 2002)
Scholars chafe at official curbs (18 June 2001)
A mother appeals to Mother India for justice (21 August 2000)
Dalit students in Delhi battle prejudice (21 March 1999)

Nepal

July 2006

Indian Maoists criticise Prachanda(24 July 2006)

June 2006

Towards the endgame in Nepal (29 June 2006)

May 2006

Baburam Bhattarai: The King is down but not out (11 May 2006)
The making of a democracy (11 May 2006)
First glimpse of a new dawn in Nepal(7 May 2006)
For Nepal, and India, the road ahead is difficult(2 May 2006)

April 2006

Parliament meets in Nepal as movement for democracy enters new phase(29 April 2006)
Out of the shadows, peace roadmap slowly takes concrete shape(28 April 2006)
Parties gear up in Nepal(28 April 2006)
Nepal army chief helped convince Gyanendra(27 April 2006)
Maoists soften stance in Nepal(27 April 2006)
And now for a Constituent Assembly: Empowered through battle, a victorious people savour their moment(26 April 2006)
Nepal parties want constituent assembly(26 April 2006)
Nepal Maoists want "unconditional" elections(26 April 2006)
Gyanendra blinks, announces revival of parliament(25 April 2006)
In Nepal, novel forms of protest and familiar ones too(25 April 2006)
People, parties spurn Gyanendra's offer(23 April 2006)
In Nepal, only the beginning of the end(22 April 2006)
More at stake than the monarchy: Review of books by Mahendra Lawoti, Surya P. Subedi and John Whelpton(11 April 2006)

March 2006

The countdown in Kathmandu has begun (30 March 2006)
Another blow for popular sovereignty in Nepal(19 March 2006)
Crucial deal in Nepal hits roadblock (18 March 2006)

February 2006

U.S. and India part company on Nepal(22 February 2006)
Transcript of the complete Prachanda interview(11 February 2006)
"Multiparty democracy in Nepal will be message to Indian Naxalites"(10 February 2006)
Prachanda: From people's war to competitive democracy(9 February 2006)
Maoist leader unveils road map for change in Nepal(8 February 2006)

2005

India and Nepal: A policy in search of a rationale (14 May 2005)
It’s official: India to send arms to Nepal (10 May 2005)
India does U-turn on arms supply to Nepal (24 April 2005)
Reimagining Nepal: Review of Manjushree Thapa’s Forget Kathmandu (1 March 2005)

2004

Inside Nepal II: Uneasiness about the ‘Hindu’ tag (2 October 2004)
Inside Nepal I: Thinking aloud about a kingdom without a king (1 October 2004)
Deuba not keen on another ceasefire(30 September 2004)
Nepali transporters see red over bus pact with India (29 February 2004)

2001

It was Deependra, say survivors(7 June 2001)
King Gyanendra sets up panel to probe killings(5 June 2001)
Speculation rife over happenings on Friday night(4 June 2001)

Myanmar

Inside Myanmar IV: Remembrance of things past (21 January 2005)
Inside Myanmar III: Censor’s pen makes it difficult to read between lines (20 January 2005)
Inside Myanmar II: Distant neighbours warm to each other, but slowly (19 January 2005)
Inside Myanmar I: India, China vie for energy, influence (17 January 2005)
India, Myanmar, Bangladesh agree to lay pipeline (14 January 2005)
India to acquire stake in Myanmar’s energy sector (12 January 2005)

Iraq

Abu Ghraib & the Milosevic standard (9 August 2004)
Anti-war group slams UN's Iraq resolution (12 June 2004)
Iraq abuse cases are no aberration (6 May 2004)
Indian troops for Iraq is "wishful thinking" (10 April 2004)
Louise Frechette, Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations, on the need for the U.N. to manage the political transition in Iraq (10 February 2004)
U.S. leaves India out of Iraq spoils (10 December 2003)
Iraq's neighbours want U.N., not India (3 July 2003)
Eight theses on the war in Iraq (1 July 2003)
Dying for Dubya: The illogic of Indian troops for Iraq (27 June 2003)
Iraq killings bode ill for Indian troops" (25 June 2003)
Cluster bomb use may be war crime (4 May 2003)
Yes, but where are the Saddam look-alikes? (30 April 2003)
Ungrateful Ali: The painful paradox of embedded freedom (25 April 2003)
U.S. may not be able to treat Iraqi fighters as 'terrorists' (6 April 2003)
America’s endless war: The world is not enough (26 March 2003)
U.S. remembers the law on POWs, belatedly (24 March 2003)
Firm linked to Cheney may net Iraq deals (21 March 2003)
US Testing Use of 'Small Nukes'(4 February 2003)
French diplomat’s revealing account of 1998 crisis in Christopher Kremmer’s The Carpet Wars (30 September 2002)
Say No to Bush: The World Must Stand by Iraq (12 September 2002)
Richard Butler, Grief of Baghdad (22 November 1998)
High time U.N. ended U.S. rampage in Iraq (14 November 1998)
Dateline Baghdad: Unscum versus 'bunny-huggers' in Iraq (26 February 1998)

Bangladesh

Why not CBMs for India and Bangladesh? (20 March 2006)
India, Myanmar, Bangladesh agree to lay pipeline (14 January 2005)
Inside Bangladesh III: Lurking fear of larger neighbour (15 September 2004)
Inside Bangladesh II: Limited room for mullahs, military but not mastans (14 September 2004)
Inside Bangladesh I: A rivalry that is tearing the country apart (13 September 2004)
Border Music: Interview with Foreign Minister Morshed Khan of Bangladesh (7 June 2004)
Interview with Maulana Motiur Rahman Nizami, head of Bangladesh's Jamaat-e-Islami, on the politics of his party (7 May 2001)
Dateline Dhaka: BDR chief is not our man, says BNP (30 April 2001)
Dateline Dhaka: Ershad takes soft line towards Hasina, India (30 April 2001)
Dateline Dhaka: B'desh blames BSF for intrusions, seeks end to bordr row (27 April 2001)
Retaliatory intrusion led to BSF deaths (24 April 2001)

Afghanistan

Kabul Notebook: When the two 'crown princes' met (30 August 2005)
The road to Afghanistan runs through Pakistan (30 August 2005)
Indian-built parliament to be 'chinar tree of democracy' in Afghanistan (30 August 2005)
India, Afghanistan moot gas pipeline project (29 August 2005)
U.S. taking no chances with Afghan Presidential polls (8 October 2004)
Alliance takeover of Kabul a setback for US (14 November 2001)
Haq was on mission to sideline Northern Alliance (28 October 2001)
Outside powers field Afghan proxies in new 'great game' (25 October 2001)
India wary of Pak plans for Afghanistan (19 October 2001)
An Ignoble War: Earn your Peace Prize, Mr Annan (15 October 2001)
Bush war plans likely to violate international law (21 September 2001)
Musharraf drops Taliban to get Kashmir (19 September 2001)
Beware the Bushfire: Use of force and the pathology of terror (15 September 2001)
WTC Attacks: The U.S. will now look for revenge, but against whom? (12 September 2001)
In Taliban Country: Want to have fun? Enjoy the weather… (25 March 2001)
In Taliban country: Overshadowed by Buddhas, drought cries out for attention (19 March 2001) In Taliban country: 'UN sanctions may prolong Afghan civil war' (16 March 2001)
In Taliban country: Bamiyan Buddhas laid to rest (15 March 2001)
In Taliban country: Politics, not religion, brought the Buddhas down (13 March 2001)
In Taliban Country: Bamiyan's 'refugees in stone' (12 March 2001)
Cowboy Clinton: No Excuse for Vigilantism (24 August 1998)

Bajrang Dal leaders say they want Christians out

22 June 2000
The Times of India

Bajrang Dal leaders say they want Christians out

By Siddharth Varadarajan
The Times of India News Service

MATHURA: The Bharatiya Janata Party high command in Delhi may insist the Sangh Parivar has no anti-Christian agenda and that recent incidents of violence against church institutions in Uttar Pradesh are the handiwork of Pakistan, but their foot soldiers in the state make no bones about their intention to drive away Christians.

While denying any involvement in the murder of Brother George of Mathura or the attack on Father Thomas of Kosikalan, local Bajrang Dal leaders said Christians were now bigger enemies than Muslims. Dharmendra Sharma, the Bajrang Dal's sah-sahayojak for the Braj region, declared that his organisation was ready to fight wherever church institutions were active. ``Maar-peet to kya, hum sab kuchch karne ke liye taiyar hain (We are prepared to use violence. There is no limit).'' When this reporter suggested such talk lent credence to the theory of a possible Bajrang Dal link to the murder of Brother George, he replied: ``So what? We feel that every time there is a crime like this, the Bajrang Dal's name should be taken. Hindus will respect us more and Christians will fear us.''

``When people blame us,'' said Rajesh Choudhary, district convener of the Bajrang Dal in Mathura, ``it helps spread the word that we have extreme views and that we use violence. This strengthens our movement.'' He claimed Christians were involved in the murder of Brother George. ``The padre was a bad man and he must have had enemies.'' Asked to elaborate, he said, somewhat sheepishly, ``He used to roam around with nuns.''

Choudhary said the Bajrang Dal was not the sort of organisation to dabble in random violence. ``The Christians want to take over the country. What is the point of us targeting one or two? Our aim is to drive them all away,'' he said. ``Jis samay hum bhagana shuru karenge, yeh nahin bach payenge (The day we start chasing them away, they won't be able to save themselves). Even the administration won't be able to help them.'' Sharma, on his part, freely recounted incidents where he and his associates have attacked Christian preachers around Agra for trying to convert Dalits.

Both leaders lamented the fact that the Sangh Parivar had not reacted earlier to the ``dangers'' posed by Christians. But at a national convention of the Bajrang Dal in Brindavan in March this year, the matter was discussed and a decision taken to launch a campaign against church institutions, Sharma revealed. However, he dismissed as mere coincidence the fact that there has been a spate of anti-Christian violence around Brindavan ever since.

Asked about the murder of Graham Staines and his sons, Sharma denied the Bajrang Dal was involved. Another Dal activist narrated how Hindus in Orissa worship Staines' killer, Dara Singh, as a hero. Asked whether that was a good or bad thing, the activist laughed. ``Very good,'' he replied. Sharma was embarrassed. ``The two boys should not have been killed. And the way Staines was killed was not good.'' He then paused for a moment and thought deeply. ``We should be prepared for any eventuality,'' he said.

Mathura's Christians see pattern in violence

20 June 2000
The Times of India

Mathura's Christians see pattern in violence

By Siddharth Varadarajan
The Times of India News Service

NAWADA: Two recent incidents have unnerved Mathura's small Christian
community. Those who were inclined to see Brother George's murder as a
chance event are today convinced -- after his cook Vijay Ekka died in
police custody -- that Christian institutions are being deliberately
targeted by criminal elements. They feel the BJP-led state government
is either not doing enough to uphold the rule of law or is tacitly
endorsing the attacks by its inaction.

One visit to the St Francis Public School in this small village on the
outskirts of Mathura, and it is clear that Brother George Kuzhikandan
never stood a chance. A gentle Malayali priest and teacher, he lay
sleeping on a cot outside the boys' hostel in the early hours of June
7 when he was set upon by a gang of five or six men - no one is really
sure how many. The deserted school compound was unguarded and unlit.
Even if he had tried to shout for help, the roar of the trucks
speeding past on NH-2 would have drowned out his cries. The men
battered him and then ransacked the school, before decamping with a
few electronic items and possibly as much as Rs 30,000 in cash,
according to Brother Emanuel, the school principal.

The only other people in the compound at the time were a young couple,
Ekka and his wife. Ekka was the school cook. The window of his small
flat directly opens out in front of the spot where George was attacked
and it is difficult to imagine that he did not see what was going on.
Perhaps he chose to remain silent because he was scared. Perhaps he
knew the identity of the killers. All we know for sure is that Vijay
is now dead. One week after taking him in for questioning - during
which, according to Brother Emanuel, he was asked why he had converted
to Christianity - he was ``found'' slumped on the toilet seat of a
bathroom in Mathura's police lines. The post-mortem has established
the cause of death to be ``asphyxia due to strangulation.''

An official with the local administration told this reporter, on
condition of anonymity, that in all probability Vijay had been killed
in custody. Two policemen have been arrested and a judicial probe has
been announced by the UP government.

The brutal beating of a priest in neighbouring Kosikalan in April and
two recent incidents in which attempts were made to intimidate
church-run schools in Mathura into granting admissions, reducing fees
and passing students who had failed in their exams point towards this
attitude.

Whether true or not, both priests and members of the laity see Vijay's
custodial killing as a ham-handed attempt by the police to cover up
the Brother George case. A senior police official, however, speaking
on condition of anonymity, dismissed such a scenario. ``Even if an
inspector wanted to eliminate him, he would be foolish to do so while
he was in custody.'' If Ekka was killed in custody, he said, this was
most probably because the interrogating officer miscalculated the
degree of third-degree. ``An officer had been suspended because he did
not solve the George case within two days. Thanks to the media
publicity, there was pressure from above for quick results. That's why
this tragedy occurred''.

Administration officials also insist that the George killing and the
other incidents are all unrelated with no ``communal angle'' to it.
``Ever sincethe Kosikalan incident two months ago'', claimed an
official, ``even groups like the Bajrang Dal have been keeping a low
profile for fear that they will be blamed.'' Christian schools are
being targeted because they have money, he insisted.

Ordinary Christians, however, feel that even if the violence is not
the handiwork of one organisation working to a plan, the political
climate in UP is such that Christians have become easy targets.
``Anyone who wants to settle scores, or rob or loot knows that if he
targets church institutions, the BJP government will not come after
them'', said a businessman.

After Atal who?

18 June 2000
Sunday Times of India

After Atal who?

Is there a tradition of succession in the BJP. Siddharth Varadarajan
finds out

Atal Bihari Vajpayee is the BJP's greatest strength as well as its
greatest weakness. Shorn of his image as the soft, cuddly face of
Hindutva -- the famous mukhota that Govindacharya once referred to --
the saffron party would find it hard to sell itself in the political
marketplace.

For the BJP, the Atal factor was crucial both in winning the number of
votes it did in the last election and also in securing the support of
diverse regional parties like the TDP, DMK and Trinamul Congress. In
the parties, the problems of succession is a serious one, but in the
BJP, it assumes potentially cataclysmic dimensions for the BJP. The
party would need a leader who would help it hold on to its electoral
flock and also keep the regional allies locked in a tight embrace. But
today, there is virtually no one in the BJP's second rung of leadership
that can play such a role. And the RSS knows it.

Next in line in terms of seniority after Vajpayee and a favourite of
RSS hardliners, Union home minister L K Advani suffers from a severe
image problem. Try as he might to live down his image as a rath -riding
militant bent upon salvaging `Hindu pride' from the ruins of mosques
and other `disputed structures', Advani just cannot shake off the tag
of extremism that he acquired during the campaign to demolish the Babri
Masjid. Eight years on, he has tried to mellow but his body language
still seems menacing. During the last elections, this writer met a
Muslim shopkeeper in Gonda who said he would vote BJP ``for Atalji''
but who insisted Advani was a different kettle of fish. Elsewhere in
the state, BJP activists acknowledged that fighting an election with
Advani at the helm would be extremely difficult.

Murli Manohar Joshi is the other senior leader who could be expected to
make a bid for the top job but he has all the disadvantages of Advani
plus one: his hold over his constituency, Allahabad, is pretty tenuous.
During the last election, Joshi won only because the opposition votes
were split between the Samajwadi Party and the Congress.

Jaswant Singh could conceivably be acceptable to the BJP's allies but
he is hardly the man who could lead the BJP to victory at the polls. He
came a cropper in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections and has since preferred
the comforts of the Rajya Sabha to the rigours of mass politics.

What of the BJP's `Young' Turks -- Arun Jaitley, Arun Shourie, Pramod
Mahajan and Narendra Modi? Jaitley and Shourie are essentially
unelectable. Mahajan -- though an excellent `organisation' man -- is
not a mass leader by any definition. Modi, party ideologue and trouble-
shooter par excellence, suffers from both the extremist tag and the
lack of personal engagement with electoral politics.

The one person who might swing it for the BJP in the post-Atal period
is Sushma Swaraj, whose oratory and carefully cultivated homeliness
could conceivably blunt the electorally inconvenient angularities of
the BJP's extended platform. But for that to happen, the sangh parivar
would have to overcome its aversion to having a woman in charge,
something that is unlikely to happen.